Shannon is the author of three books, including A World Made Safe for Differences: Cold War Intellectuals and the Politics of Identity Roman and Littlefield, 2000. For, in fact, few males have come to psychological terms with the existing birth-control technology; few recognize the extent to which it shifts the balance of sexual power in favor of women. Finally, there is the problem of identity in American democracy. Led by Pauli Murray, Gloria Steinem, Harvey Milk, and Shirley Chisholm, among many others, they achieved lasting successes, including Roe v. These forces threw the traditional versions of American manhood and womanhood into turmoil. The fact that the ideal nuclear family was never truly representative of how most Americans lived was immaterial.
Self opens his narrative with the Great Society and its assumption of a white, patriotic, heterosexual man at the head of each family. Self's All in the Family is an extraordinary achievement. Self concludes that by the end of the twentieth century, breadwinning conservatism was ascendant, while Democrats such as Bill Clinton embraced a neoliberalism with greater emphasis upon the market rather than government. The meaning of equality varied by race and class, but economic rights remained the cornerstone. Yet the establishment of new rights and the visibility of alternative families provoked, beginning in the 1970s, a furious conservative backlash. The section of the speech on family breakdown drew applause from the audience, striking a chord among men and women who could assume he did not mean them. Yet the establishment of new rights and the visibility of alternative families provoked, beginning in the 1970s, a furious conservative backlash.
Male procreativity is now dependent, to a degree unprecedented in history, on the active pleasure of women. They were not yet powerful enough, however, to displace deeply ingrained habits of mind, as well as economic and social theory, in which the problems of men were the overriding concern of economic policy and equal rights legislation. The activism Self chronicles obviously is an important part of the explanation, but so too are factors to which he pays less attention, including the role of advertising, the media, and popular culture, all of which have tended to make discrimination against any group seem uncapitalistic and uncool. Black freedom activists had no other options but to recalibrate their message for a debate about black manhood. He adopts a studiedly neutral position regarding the excesses of identity politics, which makes it hard for the reader to understand why middle-Americans often found black, feminist, and gay radicals to be genuinely threatening, and why conservatives such as Phyllis Schlafly were not just playing on prejudices when they pointed to potential negative outcomes from the Equal Rights Amendment. Conflict over gender, sex, and family in these decades was thus not simply a cultural war, if that term is meant to imply a sharp distinction between culture and political economy.
Thus, by the late 1970s anti-feminism and the reassertion of patriotic masculinity were celebrated as opposing the power of an authoritarian state threatening individual liberty and moral certainty during a period of economic decline for most working-class Americans. Because so few Americans questioned the naturalness of the nuclear family, what most divided Great Society liberals from their opponents was the nature and extent of government assistance. The majority of American families were not constructed of breadwinning husbands and domestic wives at this or any moment in American history. Yet the establishm… In the 1960s, Lyndon Johnson's Great Society and War on Poverty promised an array of federal programs to assist working-class families. Third, sexual rights and the end of heterosexual dominance.
This citizenship, however, would also require the government to take more positive actions to assure that the rights of gay men were protected from discriminatory policies and practices. This seeming contradiction was possible because the conservative definition of family values represented an antiwelfare-state ideology. Solid overview of political, social and cultural realignment on some hot-button social issues from the Great Society to today, namely gay rights, feminism, and abortion. A growing gay rights movement challenged traditional ideas of manhood on another front. The result was a strange political alliance. This transformation, argues Self, explains contemporary political dialogue dominated by social conservatives and neoliberals.
Self points to sexual politics as the source of the shift from liberalism to conservatism. He offers a provocative analysis that accounts for today's alliance between small-government and social conservatives, on the one hand, and welfare-state and social liberals, on the other. Larry Miller, The Ivy's history expert, recommends Robert O. Reagan's presidency united the two constituencies, which remain, even in these tumultuous times, the base of the Republican Party. To traditionalists, the sexual and identity politics of the early 1970s embodied an erotic revolution which was a threat to the nuclear family. But if you believe that encouraging traditional families is of paramount social importance, a regime that makes life as a single mother extremely difficult is not necessarily unjust. Wade, antidiscrimination protections in the workplace, and a more inclusive idea of the American family.
Finally, breadwinner conservatism enjoyed the political advantage of not seeming to invoke race at all. They hoped to assist families economically, and I call their collective efforts breadwinner liberalism. A safe return to those traditions, they claimed, required reducing the domestic power of the federal government. Led by Pauli Murray, Gloria Steinem, Harvey Milk, and Shirley Chisholm, among many others, they achieved lasting successes, including Roe v. Rather than seeing race on one hand and gender, sex, and family on the other as distinct crucibles of political contest, we might find it more profitable to conceive of them as intertwined, always in play together in the political shifts between the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the second presidential term of George W. Soon enough, civil rights activists, feminists, and gay rights activists, animated by broader visions of citizenship, began to fight for equal rights, protections, and opportunities.
Soon enough, civil rights activists, feminists, and gay rights activists, animated by broader visions of citizenship, began to fight for equal rights, protections, and opportunities. Soon enough, civil rights activists, feminists, and gay rights activists, animated by broader visions of citizenship, began to fight for equal rights, protections, and opportunities. Still, it far outstripped the conventional wisdom of New Frontier liberalism, calling for significant government action on behalf of women in the marketplace, in health and child care, and in property and divorce law. The author spends very little time on the shitty economy of the seventies or the rust belt and diminishing power of unions or the resurgence of militant anticommunism in the late seventies as factors. Addressing racial discrimination, he believed, was of far greater import. The initial misapprehension of Ryan was telling, and points to the persistent failure to understand the extent to which laissez-faire economics and social authoritarianism have become intertwined in the last thirty years.
He attributed his escape from the world of chaotic street violence to manly self-discipline and took after black leaders like Robert F. He writes about American politics and social movements in the twentieth century and teaches a variety of courses on the same subject. After all, federal and state governments offered vocational programs that trained women and provided the poorest among them with needed services. Yet the establishment of new rights and the visibility of alternative families provoked, beginning in the 1970s, a furious conservative backlash. Coming from Moynihan, it could be interpreted as another in the history of white sexual mythologies about black Americans. Either we make these people constructive citizens, he predicted, or they are going to be destructive dependents. The book explores the various male and female roles, how traditional roles came under assault during the 1960s, and the conservative counter-reaction.