America's Kingdom is sobering, smart, and exceedingly hard to fault. In addition to factoring in the human toll of wars and the moral dilemmas they raise, Americans trying to determine the true price of oil in the United States must take into account the financial cost of maintaining a massive military presence in the Gulf region. No country in the world has a worse record in human rights than Iran. والناجي منها خير من المنغمس فيها، والمراقب أبصر من اللاعب. The Strategic Logic of Militarism The United States is not the only Western power with a history of war in the oil-rich Persian Gulf. After all, oil has continued to flow, the network of oil producers has remained the same, and thus the primary interests of the United States in the region have been served.
Yet its application to Robert Vitalis's book is nothing less than a necessity. In just a few days the U. In addition Aramco delivered the goods technologically and financially, and was an ideal temporary instrument for the Saudis to increase their leverage and power through their oil resource. The pattern of militarism that began in the Persian Gulf in the 1970s has partly been the product of American support for and deliberate militarization of brutal and vulnerable authoritarian regimes. On the efforts of American policy makers to convince leaders to reinvest revenues from oil sales to the West, see Cooper, Oil Kings. Those seeking to explain the present U.
About this Item: Stanford University Press, United States, 2006. Hussein perceived himself to be beset by a number of domestic and regional challenges that he believed war would resolve. But it is hardly clear that any such reconsideration is happening. The objective has not necessarily been to guarantee that Middle Eastern oil made its way to the United States, although meeting basic domestic energy needs remained a vital part of the broader calculation. نقطة أخيرة تُضاف هنا هي دور عبد الله الطريقي و بقية جماعته ممن نهضوا بالصناعة لمستوى غير مسبوق تدفعهم الوطنية الحقيقية لخدمة البلد و أبناءه قبل أن ينتهي بهم المطاف بالتعفن بالسجون أو النفي خارج البلاد ، و هذا بلا أدنى شك يعتبر من الفصول السوداء تاريخياً.
Even in the periods between wars in the region the violence carried out by regimes against their own subjects makes clear that peace is not always peaceful. Such instability and conflict has had much to do, of course, with internal political problems, only some of which were the result of outside intervention. The militarization of the Persian Gulf exacerbated existing instabilities and hastened an era of regional conflict. In September 1980, sensing weakness in Iran and concerned about potential domestic challenges to his power, Saddam Hussein ordered the Iraqi army to launch an invasion of Iranian oil facilities. American and Iranian military forces exchanged fire on several occasions in 1987. The Long War The Iranian Revolution not only helped transform the regional order and reshape American policy but it also helped unleash many of the destructive forces that have plagued the Persian Gulf ever since.
Ultimately, that decision would result in the realization of the Carter Doctrine and the direct intervention of the United States in Persian Gulf conflict. In January 1968 the British government announced that it would end its longtime imperial presence in the region and withdraw its political and military resources. Meanwhile, the story gets even better. There is too much money to be made in our not seeing this longer term view, so this book is necessary. A groundbreaking, meticulously researched account of Aramco as a microcosm of the colonial order, now newly updated.
Gause, International Relations of the Persian Gulf, 33. It is also clear that those regimes are hardly stable and that they are and will remain perennially vulnerable to domestic and regional shocks, which poses a real dilemma for U. While ostensibly writing a work of political science, Vitalis has crafted a narrative that fits in well with the recent trend of giving U. See Terry Lynn Karl, The Paradox of Plenty: Oil Booms and Petro-states Berkeley, 1997. Douglas Little, American Orientalism: The United States and the Middle East since 1945 Chapel Hill, 2002. The intent of that spending was to redistribute oil wealth as a means to stave off potential restiveness. Keeping prices stable not low and keeping pro-American regimes in power were central to U.
Desire's empty quarter -- Ayyam al-Kadalak days of the Cadillac -- Eye of the desert -- El jefe rojo -- America's kingdom -- Afterword -- Acknowledgments -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index. Henceforth, no one can make serious arguments about these topics without reference to this book. Though well-researched, I found the book rather dry. Please, as I write this from my grave, do not read this book if you do not have to. There's another, far less excellent history of Aramco out there, from several years ago, the error-filled Oil, God, and Gold: The Story of Aramco and the Saudi Kings. The politics of war have primarily served the interests of regional leaders who have, often from a position of weakness, exported violence to deflect internal challenges to their authority.
The result of painstaking research in not only heretofore unused but previously unknown records, the book makes a major contribution to a variety of fields: international history, U. If you're looking for a discussion of the nature of the U. As militarization became a regional phenomenon, it also emboldened Gulf dictators, who became increasingly assertive and threatening to one another. While a bit encumbering with detail, it is a testament to the time and research put into its writing. Vitalis prides himself on having written a 'extremely readable' book, not like all those other ones that no one can stand to read. This is a gripping story that covers more than seventy years, three continents, and an engrossing cast of characters.
Iran proved particularly keen to acquire as much high-tech military weaponry as possible. They analyze a transaction that unfolded over three quarters of a century in terms of colonial aggrandizement by the west and articulately the United States. بحث جاد وعميق حول تاريخ السنوات الأولى لشركة أرامكو حتى الستينات. And from the 1970s on, oil-producing states have faced repeated internal and external threats, including domestic unrest, invasion, and regional or civil war, or at least the imminent prospect of turmoil. About the author Robert Vitalis is Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of Pennsylvania. No one will understand Saudi Arabiaor the United Statesin quite the same way after reading this book. جميل أن تقرأ الأمور بروايات مختلفة خصوصاً عندما تكون بعيدة عن فلترة و تلميع أقسام العلاقات العامة.